Razzle
Dazzle
Hell No, He Must Be Going
By RICHARD
STEIER
There are times when the irrational and illogical
enter the world of politics. The most compelling recent example would be Jeanine
Pirro's claim that she planned to bug her husband's boat - but never went
through with it - even though she won't divorce him because of the children and
would not use any evidence she uncovered of more tom-catting by Al Pirro to
shake him down for an increase in her monthly allowance. Once you rule out those
two motives, the notion of wiretapping makes no sense, unless Ms. Pirro really
wasn't thrilled about being a viable candidate for State Attorney General.
Most
of the time, however, what is going on beneath the surface in the political
sphere is not counterintuitive. And so when Deputy Mayor Kevin Sheekey does
everything he can to drum up support for a Mike Bloomberg for President
campaign, even while his employer is repeatedly denying that the idea ever
entered his mind, it evokes thoughts of a couple of other Republican pols who
once called New York home.
'Watch What We Do'
One is Richard Nixon, whose first Attorney General, John Mitchell,
prophetically told reporters, "Watch what we do, not what we say." The other is
Nelson Rockefeller, whose 1967 declaration that he had lost his desire to be
President prompted Bill Moyers to quip, "I believe Rocky when he says he's lost
his ambition. I also believe he remembers where he put it." Sure enough, Mr.
Rockefeller briefly challenged Mr. Nixon for the GOP nomination the following
year.
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| NOT SO WILD
AND WACKY: Mayor Bloomberg insists he has no plans of joining fellow
New Yorkers Rudy Giuliani, Hillary Clinton and George Pataki in
exploring a run for President in 2008, but his style and his
achievements in office might make him the most attractive candidate
in the bunch.
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There are several
reasons to dangle the possibility of a Bloomberg presidential run. It changes
the perception that Mr. Bloomberg is slouching toward lame duck status, while
also ensuring greater national media coverage of his press conferences dealing
with matters like gun control. And if Mr. Sheekey is really acting with the
Mayor's blessing, it has the effect of inserting his name into the national
consciousness, the first seeding of the clouds before Mr. Bloomberg's bankroll
starts making rain.
"I don't think he has national outreach at this point," veteran political
consultant George Arzt said Oct. 4. "Obviously his ID is less than Rudy and
Hillary, so he will have to spend a lot more dollars than them."
Communications Workers of America Local 1180 Vice President Bill Henning
remarked, "I would never rule out the power of the purse, and I would imagine he
could devote massive resources to [a campaign]." But he sees major obstacles for
a Bloomberg run for President, starting with the fact that "on the social issues
I don't think the guy gets close to the Republican Party, and on economic and
labor issues he doesn't get close to the Democratic Party." That may be why Mr.
Sheekey has framed the possible run in the context of an independent candidacy,
but Mr. Henning and Mr. Arzt said such a move poses several logistical
problems.
"It means you have to use your own resources, you've got to have your own
network" of volunteers rather than counting on party professionals, Mr. Arzt
noted. "And in his case, it means you would hurt the Democratic ticket, because
people see him as a Democrat" despite his current party affiliation.
"I don't think he energizes people enough to rally his campaign," Mr. Henning
said. "Anyone running for President has to give me a sense as to what he can do
to meet the challenges this country faces, and I just don't think he's doing
that enough."
The Great Equalizer
Of course, as Mr. Arzt noted, with more than two years until the 2008
election, and his personal fortune available to get out his message, Mr.
Bloomberg has both the time and the money to fill in the blanks.
One potentially telling response was last week's column by the Daily News's
Michael Goodwin, a longtime Giuliani booster, minimizing Mr. Bloomberg's
accomplishments while noting, "Taxes are up, cops are down and many streets are
filthy." He couched his attack in terms of the city needing a full-time Mayor
rather than one consumed by national ambition, a concern that wasn't vocalized
by Mr. Goodwin when Mr. Giuliani launched his run for Senate with nearly two
years remaining in his final term as Mayor.
In fact, the strongest rationale for a Bloomberg candidacy is that he's been
a better, less-divisive Mayor than Mr. Giuliani. And that creates problems for
the ex-Mayor in selling himself to both Republicans throughout the country and
the national media as he seeks his party's nomination.
Mr. Bloomberg's ability to continue reducing crime, and do so with fewer cops
than Mr. Giuliani and without the poisonous relationship the latter gentleman
created with significant segments of the black and Latino communities, raises
questions about our former Mayor's leadership skills. So does the current
Mayor's ability to gain control of the city school system and make improvements
in the lower grades during his first term in office, in contrast to Mr.
Giuliani's dismal record on education, which was marked primarily by his use of
both the public school system and its Chancellors as punching bags during his
eight years in office. And so it's understandable why Giuliani acolytes would
not want Mr. Bloomberg on the presidential trail, opening the door to such
comparisons.
For that matter, the Mayor has a stronger record of accomplishment than Ms.
Clinton, for all her hard work, has been able to compile as a member of the
minority party in the Senate. She bypassed her best opportunity to establish
herself as a leader on tough issues when she voted four years ago to authorize
President Bush to go to war with Iraq.
Mr. Arzt said of Mr. Bloomberg's possible candidacy, "Obviously, it
tantalizes him. He's done this job, so it's on to other things, and a future as
a philanthropist wouldn't be nearly as big a challenge as this would. He's
erased the racial tensions that were prevalent under Rudy, and people feel good
about New York City. That's a big thing."
The history of independent candidates running for President is not
encouraging, although Mr. Bloomberg has assets they don't. Unlike Ross Perot, he
has a record of achievement in government and has enough political experience to
hold up under constant media scrutiny. The last serious independent candidate
for President prior to Mr. Perot, John Anderson in 1980, saw his campaign, in
which he positioned himself ideologically between President Carter and Ronald
Reagan, fizzle out in large measure because of lack of money.
Give 'em Hell, Mike?
Just as disillusionment with Mr. Carter's record in office and uneasiness
about some of Mr. Reagan's political positions created an opening for an
independent then, Mr. Arzt said it was conceivable that Mr. Bloomberg could
click with voters as someone free of the ideological baggage and polarizing
personalities that Mr. Giuliani on the Republican side and Ms. Clinton on the
Democratic end would carry into the contest. (An all-New York race would also
lessen the possibility of Mr. Bloomberg being hurt by any national bias against
the city that may linger even after 9/11.)
"If people are sick of the nominees of the two parties, he might have a real
shot," Mr. Arzt said. "Obviously a John McCain would be a tough candidate to
overcome. Giuliani would be a fierce competitor; Hillary would be a fierce
competitor. But [Mr. Bloomberg's] style against Rudy or Hillary would be very
effective. People might say he's a plain-spoken guy a la Harry Truman."
Mr. Henning wasn't thrilled by the prospect of a nonideological candidate,
saying, "I would rather see more partisan bickering to stop the Republican
agenda. There are some issues we ought not to get along about." Then again, the
Local 1180 vice president, who is also active in the Working Families Party, is
considerably to the left of the larger American electorate.
Pataki No Contender
Mr. Arzt never mentioned George Pataki in assessing Mr. Bloomberg and his
local rivals, perhaps reflecting a general consensus that while the outgoing
Governor has done the most to establish a candidacy for President, he has made
little headway so far and hasn't achieved enough over 12 years in office to
recommend him.
The emergence of Mr. Giuliani and Ms. Clinton as leading figures in their
parties appears to give New York its best chance of having a local official
become President since former Gov. Tom Dewey was narrowly defeated by Mr. Truman
in the 1948 election. Even given the high negative ratings that are the flip
side of the prominence of those two officials, the odds would figure to be
prohibitive against Mr. Bloomberg emerging as the New York candidate most likely
to capture the White House.
Then again, nobody took his 2001 run for Mayor to be anything more serious
than a vanity project until the final days of the campaign.
"Mike Bloomberg's initial election taught me a lesson about not being
dismissive of someone's political prospects," political consultant Vinny
Montalbano said. He added, however, that even allowing for the advantages Mr.
Bloomberg would have as a candidate over Mr. Perot, that 1992 race, at a time
when there was also "a lot of disaffection with both parties," argued against
the Mayor going all the way.
Moral Victory Enough?
"I don't think the man is delusional, so he's gotta know that an independent
candidacy is a longshot," Mr. Montalbano said. "But you might, if you spend
enough money, make statements and political points that leave you feeling it was
worthwhile even if you don't win."
Mr. Bloomberg doesn't seem like a man for whom winning is secondary, however,
and a run for President would start out with more plausibility than his first
campaign for Mayor. He has a record to run on now, and has gained both
experience as a campaigner and a higher profile. It may be amusing to note the
discrepancy between Mr. Sheekey's efforts to launch the campaign and Mr.
Bloomberg's public statements discouraging it, but nobody should laugh off his
prospects if the Mayor acts on Mr. Sheekey's impulse.