Razzle
Dazzle
He Didn't Know His Place
By RICHARD STEIER
On the afternoon of the Sept. 12 Democratic primary, an Orthodox Jewish rabbi
was standing on a Crown Heights street explaining why he supported Carl Andrews
in the four-way race for Congress in the 11th District.
"He's
been close to the Crown Heights Jewish community for a while; the perception is
he's brought home the bacon - Kosher, of course," said the rabbi, who spoke
conditioned on anonymity.
He said one faction of the Orthodox community was backing City Councilman
David Yassky for the seat being vacated by Major Owens, but added, "Yassky's a
relative newcomer."
Asked whether some in his community, which for decades has experienced
tension with its black neighbors, might rally around Mr. Yassky because he had
been the subject of race-based attacks by supporters of his opponents, the rabbi
responded, "He married a goy."
Viewed As An Intruder
The remark, which was another way of saying, "He's not one of us," seemed par
for the course in the campaign. From the time that he moved a few blocks from
his old home in order to become a resident of the 11th Congressional District,
Mr. Yassky had been targeted as The Other in a race in which he was the only
white candidate.
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The Chief-Leader/Eric
Weiss
OUTSIDER TO THE END: David
Yassky, here talking to a voter in Crown Heights on Primary Day, was
dogged throughout the campaign by accusations that he was cynically
banking on benefiting from a split of the black vote among his three
opponents in a Congressional District that has been represented by
African-Americans for the past 38 years.
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Mr. Yassky
got an up-close taste of it from one woman he approached later that day,
standing on Crown St. between P.S. 161 and the Lubavitch Beth Rivkah School. As
he introduced himself, she glared at him and moved quickly past, prompting him
to remark, "I probably can't count on her vote."
The anger in her eyes suggested she was among those who believed he had no
business in the contest for a congressional seat that had been held by blacks
since Shirley Chisolm was elected in 1968.
Three months earlier, Brooklyn City Council Member Albert Vann sent a memo
addressed to "Black Elected Officials, City, State and Federal," that warned of
the "peril of losing a 'Voting Rights' district ... as a result of the
well-financed candidacy of Council Member David Yassky, a white individual."
Representative Owens, whose son Chris was among those seeking to succeed him,
branded Mr. Yassky "a colonizer." And just before the primary, a newsletter
called the Clarke Chronicle, which Daily News political columnist Ben Smith
traced back to a former aide to Yvette Clarke named Michael Roberts, blasted the
New York Times for endorsing "the only white candidate in the race," charging
that the paper "clearly wants to perpetuate the plantation system in Brooklyn by
helping to elect a 'neo-massa.'''
There was no way of knowing whether the race-baiting influenced the outcome
of the election, in which City Councilwoman Clarke, after trailing Mr. Yassky
slightly with more than half the ballots tallied, surged late to defeat him by
five points, with State Senator Andrews and the younger Owens finishing behind
him.
Veteran political consultant George Arzt was disinclined to believe that Mr.
Yassky was done in by matters other than the dynamics of the district itself and
the individuals running.
A Different Calculus
"The strongest candidate, even though she didn't have money, was Yvette," he
said the morning after the primary. "People make the mistake of looking at that
race as a white against three blacks. It was one Caribbean [Ms. Clarke], two
blacks and one white. The Caribbean group came out in force, and she got some
black votes as well. And she got a strong women's vote."
Mr. Arzt continued, "She also has a contagious personality. That's not
something you could say about Yassky, who is somewhat dour, or Carl or Chris
Owens."
It's certainly true that Mr. Yassky is more studious and less outgoing than
most politicians, as if not quite comfortable with the part of the job that
involves dealing with the public and the media. Asked on the afternoon of the
primary whether anything about the contest had surprised him, he responded that
"it's hard to get the media to cover some kind of substantive debate, other than
the politics of it."
He was asked about an appearance he had made with Mayor Bloomberg in the
district - which stretches from Midwood through Bedford-Stuyvesant and Crown
Heights and into Park Slope and Cobble Hill - a week earlier. They were
announcing the installation of security cameras in a housing project, and the
heckling Mr. Yassky got from some of those present culminated with someone
throwing part of a chocolate glazed donut in his direction.
"I'm a little idiosyncratic about stuff," Councilman Yassky responded. "I
think voters want a message about why to vote for a guy, and that appearance fit
in well with our message that this was a building that needed security cameras."
WFP Threatened Break
He seemed ruffled when a WNBC-TV reporter told him that a spokesman for the
Working Families Party had said that if he won the primary, it would give its
line in the November election to one of the other candidates. Two days later,
WFP Executive Director Dan Cantor denied such a decision had been made, although
he acknowledged that it was being considered prior to Ms. Clarke's victory.
Asked whether race was the reason the WFP was ready to shun a Councilman it
had previously backed and who, by his own admission, "had a solid record," Mr.
Cantor responded, "Race never doesn't enter into American politics. But there's
no way people would have been talking about doing this just because Yassky is
white. For lots of our leaders, he was by far the most conservative of the
candidates. He was bad on trade, he was bad on support for workers organizing."
But the mere fact that race was part of the calculation for a party whose
mission is to push the Democratic Party in a more-progressive, pro-labor
direction is revealing, and disturbing.
A Selective Standard
Unlike the WFP, most of Mr. Yassky's critics didn't bother to examine his
positions on the issues. The notion of him as a carpetbagger, coming from just
outside the district, is laughable, considering that many of those people who
leveled the charge supported Hillary Clinton when she first left Washington to
move to Chappaqua, and would have supported the late Bobby Kennedy when he left
Massachusetts to become a Senator from New York.
There was undoubtedly political calculation in his decision to run in a
district where the three other candidates figured to split the majority black
vote. But that is politics, where being an opportunist is no more a vice than
being fond of publicity. Illinois or Arkansas would have seemed more natural
places for Ms. Clinton to run for Senate, since she grew up in one and lived
most of her adult life in the other before coming to Washington, but she ran in
the state where she believed she had the best chance of winning and flourishing.
At the time Ms. Chisolm was first elected to Congress 38 years ago, New York
had 19 Congressional seats, and for years the only minority member of its
delegation had been Adam Clayton Powell Jr. Today, there are just 13 seats in
the city's delegation, but six of them are held by blacks or Latinos, and so the
notion that the 11th CD should by rights remain a "black" seat has little
besides ethnic turf-protecting to sustain it.
Clarke's Inconsistency
There's no way of knowing whether Ms. Clarke was aware of the newsletter put
out by her former aide, with its racially charged language. She did not issue
any statements criticizing it, however, once Mr. Smith's blog publicized it on
the day before the primary. Given how outspoken she has been about the need to
move the city's firefighting force toward greater diversity, consistency would
seem to demand that she renounce any attempt to argue that a particular job
should remain the province of the group that has long held it.
The day after the election, the City Council had its regularly scheduled
meeting, bringing both Ms. Clarke and Mr. Yassky to City Hall. While she
accepted congratulations from her colleagues, he was left talking about why he
might have lost.
"I think we ran as good a campaign as you could run," he said. "On the big
things I have no regrets."
In the Council Chambers, he sits next to Mr. Vann, who first entered New
Yorkers' consciousness four decades ago as the leader of a black Teachers' group
that squared off against the United Federation of Teachers over community
control of the schools in Brooklyn's Ocean Hill-Brownsville district, the issue
that prompted the extended UFT strike in 1968. (This year, Mr. Vann, who had
moderated his rhetoric over time, joined the UFT in endorsing Mr. Andrews.)
Worlds Apart
For most of the hour-long meeting, Mr. Vann leaned back in his chair on the
left side, while Mr. Yassky leaned forward to his right, placing them as far
apart as possible given the seating arrangements.
Asked afterwards about their relationship since Mr. Vann's June call to arms
against him, Mr. Yassky replied, "In politics, you can disagree with people but
still work with them the next day. If you can't, this is probably the wrong
profession for you."
He said he hadn't given any further thought to his political future, other
than to refocus on issues he has championed in the Council and emphasized during
the campaign. "I think we need to aggressively expand our efforts to help small
businesses extend health care to their employees," Mr. Yassky said, adding that
further progress in areas like gun control and affordable housing were his other
priorities.
There were activists and even reporters who thought he had made himself a
marked man with a limited political future by running in the 11th CD and being
competitive enough to have actually had a shot at winning. That Mr. Yassky,
rather than those who made his race a negative rallying point, could be seen as
the person guilty of crossing the line is a sad commentary on the state of
politics in a city where tolerance and diversity are supposed to be coin of the
realm.